Hungary’s Presidency of the Council: a Confusing Six Months
By Flavia Faraone - 3 minutes read
On December 31st, 2024, Hungary’s presidency of the Council of the European Union came to an end. The beginning of the Central European country’s presidency term in July had been the source of significant worry due to Hungary’s standing as an illiberal democracy. In the end, however, Viktor Orbán’s unconventional interpretation of the presidency role caused tension but delivered little in terms of results. For instance, Orbán’s “peace missions” to Russia - unapproved diplomatic trips in order to achieve peace in Ukraine - attracted much criticism.
Orbán began the presidency with high-profile visits to Russia’s Vladimir Putin, China’s Xi Jinping, and yet to be elected Donald Trump. These efforts, whose objectives were not clear due to the unauthorized nature of the visits, seem to have produced very little outcome. Commentators have stated that Orbán was likely pursuing his own international ambitions through these visits, something that is not included in the tasks of the President of the Council. Finally Orbán’s proposed “Christmas truce”, a ceasefire over Christmas, even caused a diplomatic incident: Orbán had proposed the ceasefire to happen over the 7th of January, that is, Orthodox Christmas. However, Ukrainians have been celebrating Christmas on December 25th since 2023, in order to distance themselves culturally from their invaders..
The European Commission took a firm stance against Hungary’s unilateral actions, highlighting growing tensions within the EU over the country’s conduct. By mid-July, it instructed commissioners to boycott Hungary’s informal meetings, downgrading representation to lower-level officials.
Despite its controversies, the presidency did achieve some measurable successes. Hungary facilitated Romania and Bulgaria’s full inclusion in the Schengen Area, overcoming Austria’s long standing veto. From January 1st 2025, land border controls were also lifted. Progress was also made in integrating Montenegro and Albania into the EU, with Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama acknowledging significant advancements. However, Hungary broke with tradition when it excluded civil society representatives from ministerial environmental meetings, earning criticism from disgruntled environmental groups such as the European Environmental Bureau.
Finally, the presidency was punctuated by Orbán’s provocative rhetoric, which overshadowed any substantive progress it might have made. EU observers, such as German MEP Daniel Freund, criticized Hungary’s leadership as “noisy, chaotic, and provocative,” contrasting it with the effective, understated approach of the Czech Republic’s 2022 presidency.
All in all, it might be argued that Orbán’s tenure highlighted the risks of placing an EU “problem child” in such a central coordinating role. While it achieved some successes, particularly in Schengen and Balkan enlargement, these were at times overshadowed by Orbán’s divisive style and personal ambitions, which arguably didn’t align with the presidency’s mandate. The thought comes to mind that Orbán used his presidency to gain visibility rather than to attempt advancements towards common European goals. Poland’s recently begun term is expected to focus on rebuilding coherence, particularly regarding support for Ukraine and strengthening EU partnerships.
